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打破了反弹& # 8211的社会心理学的歧视

发布时间:2018-09-24 12:12 作者:admin 来源: 点击: 字号:

On January 7th 2015, the world looked on in horror as news of the Charlie Hebdo shootings broke。 The story of two brothers, identifying as members of the militant Islamist group Al-Qaeda, who forced their way into the satirical magazine’s Paris offices and killed 11 people is one that is now sadly well-known to people across the globe。 A story that might be less well known, however, is that of the ramifications that the brothers actions had for members of the very faith that they were claiming to represent。

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Across France, in the days after the Charlie Hebdo shootings, a wave of seemingly vengeful attacks on Muslims and Muslim places of worship were reported to the police。 Training grenades were flung into a mosque courtyard in the city of Le Mans。 A kebab shop, adjacent to a mosque, was decimated by an explosion in the town of Villefranche-sur-Saône。 In the Vaucluse region of south-east France, a family was forced to hide in their car after being sprayed with bullets as they drove。 In Poitiers, a mosque was left daubed with graffiti, the words ‘Death to Arabs’ smeared across its gate。

These are just a few in a wealth of examples。 According to Collective Against Islamophobia in France (CCIF), a total of 54 anti-Islamic hate crimes were reported to the French Police in the week following January 7th 2015。 Of these incidents, Twenty-one involved shootings or grenade attacks and the remaining Thirty-three incidents were listed as verbal attacks, which entail threats, insults or the use of racist epithets。

A similar story was found in 2013, in the wake of the ‘Woolwich murder’。 Anti-Islamic hate organisation ‘Tell Mama’ reported over two hundred hate crimes against members of the Muslim community in the following weeks。 Six of these crimes involved objects being thrown, while eleven cases involved attempts to forcefully remove the hijab or other items of Islamic dress from members of the public。 In 2005, following the 7/7 tube bombings in London, the Islamic Human Rights Commission (IHRC) reported a 500% increase in anti-Muslim hate crimes compared with 2004。 Nine mosques were firebombed during the fortnight following 7/7, as well as a number of physical assaults, including one woman being punched on a train for wearing a hijab。 Even back in 2001, after the World Trade Centre attacks on September 11th, there were over seven hundred reported crimes against Arab and/or Muslim Americans and nearly thirty cases of Muslims being denied places on airline flights。 The FBI reported a 1,600% increase in anti-Muslim hate crimes from 2000 to 2001, going from the second least report crime pre 9/11 to the second highest post 9/11。”

Unfortunately, while these statistics and stories are deplorable, they are sadly unsurprising。 In recent years, ‘revenge’ attacks against innocent members of the Muslim community have become somewhat commonplace as the dust settles after Islamist terrorist attacks。 These reoccurring statistics point to a persistent problem for both the Police and the Muslim community。 From ISIS to the Sydney siege, the Boston bombings to the Copenhagen shootings, the threat of violence to modern-day Western society seems omnipresent。  We are bombarded daily with an onslaught of news about the ever mounting threat that Islamist terrorist groups pose to us, and with this comes the ever mounting threat of backlash towards innocent Muslims。 But where does this desire for backlash come from? Well, science, and in particular, social psychology, may hold the answer。

Explanations from Social Psychology

As a discipline, Social Psychology has flourished in the last few decades, with a rise in the amount of research dedicated to looking at the nature of topics such as intergroup conflict, racism and prejudice。 From Henry Tafjel to Gordon Allport, many renowned and respected psychologists have built their careers around the study of prejudice, discrimination and developing methods we might use to reduce their prevalence。 Out of these careers have emerged streams of research which could help us, at least in some way, in our effort to explain these retributive attacks against the Muslim community and why they occur。

Integrated Threat Theory, first introduced by Walter G Stephan, can shed some light。 The first principle of the theory is the perception of threat from one group to another。 These threats may take a realistic or symbolic form。 Realistic threats can be the physical threat of danger or competition of resources such as land。 Realistic threats are tangible and pose a risk to an individual’s physical well-being。 The risk of copy-cat attacks can be seen as one source of a realistic threat。 In the example of the 7/7 tube bombings, there was a fear that the apparent ease with which the public transport system was attacked could inspire further copy-cat attacks。 Realistic threats can also appear in the form of unapprehended criminals, who pose further danger to the citizens。 In the hours after Charlie Hebdo, for example, the gunmen were still at large and there was a real danger posed to citizens of Paris and the surrounding suburbs。

Symbolic threats come from a perceived difference in attitudes, beliefs and world views。 They are intangible and their effects can be far more pervasive, often spreading to parts where a sense of physical danger is not as immediate。 The majority of Islamist terrorist attacks are seen as attacks on Western policy, culture or freedom。 For example, the Woolwich murder was ostensibly a protest against British involvement in the Middle East and Charlie Hebdo, a protest against our right to freedom of speech。 These attacks seem to threaten our way of life, explaining why retributive hate crimes can be widespread and far from the initial attack site。

Integrated threat also cites negative stereotyping as a major cause of prejudiced behaviour and discrimination。 According to the theory, negative stereotypes lead certain majority group members to feel anxious around members of minority groups, which in Western countries will often be Muslim communities。 In the examples given, it’s likely that the perpetrators were already showing signs of either conscious or unconscious racism towards Muslims。 Integrated Threat suggests that these violent attacks were not momentary bouts of anger from otherwise egalitarian citizens。 Often the perpetrators of these attacks have been harbouring negative feelings about Muslims for months or years。 In a way, the terrorist attacks act like the removal of a lid off a shaken fizzy drink: they allow the bottled up hatred to spill out in the form of violence。  It’s the combination of these pent up, pre-established negative stereotypes and the perception of immediate physical and symbolic threat that Integrated Threat Theory suggests leads to the occurrence of vengeful violence。

A second psychological perspective we can use draws on Social Identity Theory。 This theory suggests that people define themselves based on which social groups they perceive to be a part of。 For example, someone might identify themselves as ‘British’, or ‘American’, or perhaps a more specific group such as their family or a fandom。

There is lots of psychological literature that suggests that following a major terrorist attack, many citizens of the country in question feel their sense of national identity to a heightened level。 A study by the University of Ohio State found that in the weeks after 9/11, blood donations saw a record surge, and army enlistments rose dramatically。 According to the Social Identity Theory, identifying with an ‘in-group’, such as a nationality, provides grieving citizens the ability to categorize themselves in a time when disarray is rife and order is needed。 It affords people the ability to make sense of disorder, to control their perceptions and behaviour towards others, and to gain a sense of stability。

本文源自: 环亚娱乐

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